Some nations carry a stained reputation on the world stage. For repeated breaches of international norms, they face isolation, boycotts, or harsh economic penalties. You might picture Russia, Israel, Iran, or North Korea. Yet one nation escapes such labels, despite actions that increasingly align with them.

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is finally facing closer examination due to growing proof of its support for the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which have ravaged Sudan for years. Since the 2023 civil war erupted from a power struggle between the RSF militia and Sudan's army, the RSF has faced charges of ethnic cleansing and widespread sexual violence. A UN investigation found its attacks on non-Arab groups in western Sudan bore "the hallmarks of genocide".

Throughout the conflict, reports have surfaced of UAE arms supplies to the RSF, including weapons and drones smuggled through Chad, plus support for Colombian mercenaries aiding the group. The UAE rejects these claims, insisting on its neutrality. But this denial rings increasingly hollow amid widespread awareness. Until recently, the UAE largely sidestepped repercussions.

Change is underway, however. Last week brought two significant setbacks in rapid order. First, the human rights group FairSquare urged the UK Foreign Office to probe Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan - UAE deputy prime minister, Manchester City owner - and impose sanctions over his purported involvement in UAE support for the RSF.

The submission to UK authorities noted "an abundance of evidence from multiple credible sources, including the UN panel of experts on Sudan, that the UAE has supplied weapons, ammunition, and other materials to the RSF since June 2023". It calls for scrutiny of Mansour's RSF ties and highlights that UK sanctions would bar him from Premier League club ownership. (FairSquare says it gave Mansour a chance to reply but got none; I also contacted his office without response.)

This push marks a bold step, targeting a specific UAE official and portraying UK inaction as both ethically lax and a threat to domestic sports integrity. Mansour is no distant investor; as a royal, his private equity firm controls vast Manchester properties, including a controversial city council deal that sold land cheaply per a 2022 report (which the council contested, claiming optimal terms).

Even more forceful is a US move against the UAE government as a whole. Two congressmen, co-chairs of the bipartisan Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, wrote two weeks ago to Walt Disney, the NBA, and NFL, pressing them to show "moral leadership" by cutting UAE ties - like sponsorships and ventures - over its "abetting genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing in Sudan by arming one faction".

These demands - spotlighting UAE involvement in western economies, entertainment, and sports alongside Sudan atrocities - deal severe reputational blows. The UAE shows vulnerability: in 2024, after a Sudanese delegate blamed it for RSF support at a UK-backed UN event, it halted ministerial talks with Britain for insufficient defense against the "defamation". As Americans put it, a hit dog will holler.

The UAE's image rests on Dubai's allure as a glamorous, tourist-friendly hub of sun and luxury. Abu Dhabi, the capital and Al Nahyan royal stronghold (UAE presidents partnering federally with Dubai's Al Maktoums), draws less focus despite its disruptive role in the region and Africa - backing Yemen separatists against Houthis and Libya's Gen Khalifa Haftar against the recognized government. UAE aims to install business-friendly leaders and block adversaries. Sudan offers vital Red Sea ports and trade paths to build its regional "archipelago of influence".

Sudan also holds gold riches, much of which has flowed to Dubai, a top global gold retail center, since the war started. More widely, post-Arab Spring, the UAE has built proxy networks to counter Muslim Brotherhood threats to monarchies. This has strained Gulf ties - like quitting Opec amid Saudi dominance disputes - and shaped its Israel normalization. Recently, it broke from Saudi and Qatari restraint, launching a secret major strike on Iran before the April truce.

The UAE's regional power plays have sown conflict and ruin, nowhere worse than Sudan. Yet the US and UK have backed it as political allies and financial winners. At a House of Lords event last month, an Emirati official touted the UK-UAE multibillion investment ties born of "deep institutional trust". Pre-Trump inauguration this year, the UAE pledged $500bn (£370bn) to the Trump family's crypto project. With stakes so high, no surprise both nations voice Sudan concerns while dodging UAE mentions.

The US and UK have targeted RSF leaders and UAE-based RSF-linked firms with sanctions, sidestepping the UAE itself. "The world must not look away [from Sudan]," said Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper on sexual violence there - even as UK governments have ignored a key Sudan crisis backer.

Yet demands grow insistent, pressing governments to declare what remains unsaid: the UAE belongs among global pariahs.