Benjamin Netanyahu broke a notably extended silence on the Iran conflict this week via a video message, asserting "full coordination" with Donald Trump, whom he contacts "almost daily".

This claim of harmony in US-Israeli ties came after weeks of Israeli media reports indicating that Jerusalem was being excluded from consultations on the Iran crisis and even more so from Pakistani-facilitated peace negotiations. Given widespread public and media distrust of Netanyahu's credibility, observers quickly speculated that the true situation might be far grimmer than previously thought.

"He's emphasizing the strength of their relationship so much that it raises alarms about underlying strains," noted Dahlia Scheindlin, a US-Israeli political analyst and pollster. "I'm not shocked, especially since the war has fallen short of its initial objectives across the board."

The US president and Israeli prime minister have long mirrored one another, mastering populist tactics to control their domestic arenas while eroding the institutional foundations that elevated them, disregarding established conventions.

Since February 28, when their joint US-Israeli strike halted Gulf operations and targeted Iran devastatingly, their destinies have intertwined inseparably, complicating any disentanglement from the fallout.

Netanyahu devoted years urging successive US presidents toward war with Iran. He took extraordinary steps as a foreign figure meddling in American politics, notably sabotaging the 2015 multilateral nuclear accord - Barack Obama's key diplomatic win.

Netanyahu influenced Trump to abandon that agreement in 2018, accelerating Iran's nuclear efforts and amassing enough highly enriched uranium for about a dozen bombs. This February, US media detailed how Netanyahu convinced Trump that military action was the sole viable response - and a swift victory.

By that point, Netanyahu found Trump receptive. Just prior, US troops executed a bold operation in Caracas, abducting Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro in a surprise maneuver.

"Netanyahu, ever the shrewd operator, cited Venezuela as a model," said Alon Pinkas, ex-Israeli diplomat. "He told Trump: 'See what you achieved there - seamless, effortless, regime changed.'

"Then he flooded Trump with intel on Iran's boosted missile output and launch systems, plus its 450kg of enriched uranium," Pinkas added.

Aided by Mossad head David Barnea, Netanyahu depicted Iran's government as vulnerable and ripe for collapse.

"He assured Trump: 'Iran's economy is collapsing. Protests are brewing. The Revolutionary Guards are faltering. Conditions are unbearable. Now's our moment,'" Pinkas recounted. "'Together, we can topple them - win in three or four days.'"

Reports indicate US intelligence and military experts warned of Iranian retaliation against Gulf allies and Hormuz Strait closure. Yet Netanyahu, alongside US hawks like Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, dismissed those fears, claiming Iran's Guards were overhyped and feeble.

Events proved them mistaken entirely. Iranians stayed loyal, the regime endured, Kurds held back, and Guards struck US bases, Gulf states, sealed Hormuz, and sparked worldwide economic turmoil.

"Around 30 days in, late March, Trump grew visibly frustrated with Netanyahu," Pinkas observed.

Trump ceased referencing Israel or Netanyahu in his optimistic war updates. As US envoys engaged Iranians and Pakistani go-betweens ahead of the April 8 ceasefire, Israel was bypassed. Officials admitted relying on spies for updates.

Peace talk details vary, but omit Israel's concerns: Iran's missiles and proxy forces.

Trump's mentions of Netanyahu turned scolding. Post-Israel's South Pars gasfield strike, he said he'd warned against it.

"Sometimes he acts, and if I disapprove - we stop that," Trump stated.

On ceasefire terms excluding Lebanon, Trump first backed Netanyahu, then flipped to enforce compliance amid risks.

"Israel won't bomb Lebanon anymore. PROHIBITED by USA. Enough!!!" he posted April 17 - a stark public reprimand.

Since then, Israeli spokespeople tell media the truce is fragile, war resumption likely. Last weekend, papers reported revived intense US-Israeli military sync for potential strikes.

No such actions have occurred, and Washington minimizes recent Hormuz skirmishes.

Ex-US Ambassador to Israel Daniel Shapiro says Trump eyes post-Iran priorities: May 14 China visit and Xi Jinping summit.

"Trump wants this wrapped up before Beijing," Shapiro said. "Else, he's begging Xi to pressure Iran on terms - weakening his trade focus."

Netanyahu, versed in Gaza-Lebanon precedents, expects Trump's distractions to loosen constraints eventually.

"If a deal sticks temporarily against Israel's wishes, they'll comply now, then 'mow the grass' on missiles or nukes later," Shapiro noted.

Netanyahu knows Trump can't fully escape their bond. Ex-adviser John Bolton highlights Netanyahu's US political leverage.

"Trump envies Netanyahu's media pull," Bolton said, noting post-ceasefire Lebanon leeway.

Pinkas, aide to Ehud Barak and Shimon Peres, sees war setbacks binding them tighter.

"Trump can't blast Netanyahu without owning his war misstep," Pinkas said. Both face electoral pain.

Netanyahu's October vote could oust him per polls. US midterms might hobble Trump domestically.

"Politically, they've damaged each other severely," Pinkas concluded.