ByJPOST EDITORIAL

JULY 24, 2026 05:58

Nearly three years following the October 7 attack, Israelis continue to await one of the most fundamental duties the prior administration owes its people: a complete, impartial inquiry into the gravest security lapse in the nation's history.

On Wednesday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's administration notified the High Court of Justice that it would be unable to finalize legislation creating its suggested political panel to examine the shortcomings tied to Hamas's October 7 assault.

In reply to petitions contesting its inaction on launching the probe, the administration indicated the legislation would instead be finished after the October 27 elections. It further criticized the judiciary, asserting that it is unsuitable for the court to decide on the issue or step into it.

The administration's rationale for the postponement ought to be rejected by every Israeli.

Extensive debate has occurred both in the Knesset and across Israel's public spaces regarding whether a political panel or a state inquiry commission represents the suitable approach. The coalition has consistently resisted a state commission, maintaining its stance against an independent examination.

Its initial claim has been that conducting an inquiry into the October 7 events while the nation is still engaged in conflict is unfeasible and unsuitable. The second point is that Chief Justice Isaac Amit lacks legitimacy in the eyes of many coalition members, prompting worries that any panel he names would fail to earn public trust among a notable portion of citizens.

'Scheduling limits' blocked finalization of Oct. 7 probe legislation

Even assuming the administration's resistance to a state commission is sincere, those reasons still fail to clarify why it neglected to advance its own plan for a political inquiry, one crafted specifically to address those issues by substituting Supreme Court selections for the panel with members chosen via a Knesset-driven method.

Per the administration's reply to the High Court, the legislation could not be completed due to scheduling limits.

That explanation amounts to nothing less than offensive.

Officials in this administration have spent nearly three years listening to the appeals of grieving families calling for an inquiry commission. They have encountered these appeals within the Knesset. They have encountered them outside their residences and workplaces, where mourning relatives have gathered for months seeking responses, responsibility, and openness.

Some of these Israelis lost sons, daughters, spouses, parents, and companions on October 7. Others battled for as long as 505 days until their loved ones returned from Hamas captivity. All have borne an immense weight while awaiting the state to address its own shortcomings.

Replying to those families by pointing to legislative scheduling issues amounts to an affront.

The justification grows even less credible when considered next to the coalition's rapid passage of laws during the Knesset's closing weeks before its dissolution.

In those weeks, the coalition located time to enact measures it deemed politically vital: a measure blocking enforcement of draft orders against ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students, legislation designating Torah study as a core principle in Israel's Basic Law, a measure altering the authority of the attorney-general, and broad changes to Israel's media sector.

Through enacting these measures, the administration showed that when legislation is deemed pressing by the prime minister, it can advance with notable speed.

Israel's senior officials replaced since October 7, except the political tier

All of Israel's leading security figures responsible on October 7 have since been succeeded, some by individuals seen as aligned with the prime minister. Eyal Zamir took over from Herzi Halevi as IDF chief in March 2025, Ronen Bar was succeeded by Shin Bet director David Zini three months afterward, and Netanyahu's former military secretary, Roman Gofman, replaced David Barnea as Mossad chief last month.

Yet the sole leadership tier that has escaped substantial examination is the political level itself.

The victims of October 7 merit more. The grieving families merit more. And every Israeli merits an administration that treats the task of exposing the truth about the nation's darkest day as a national duty rather than a political hassle.

Israelis have waited far too long for answers. During this coming election campaign, every contender seeking to build the next administration must state clearly that creating an inquiry into October 7 stands as their top priority.