ByYAAKOV KATZ

JULY 17, 2026 13:40

Few points in a country's past allow citizens to observe developments as they happen and recognize that their leaders have intentionally and openly undermined national strength.

This coalition has done precisely that in recent days through two measures that let ultra-Orthodox Israelis keep avoiding army duty and protect them from legal penalties for doing so.

One measure is the Basic Law that places Torah study on equal footing with military service as a core national priority. The second, approved Tuesday evening, blocks authorities from detaining those who skip the draft even though current statutes demand service.

Combined, these steps backed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's partners deliver a damaging signal.

While the IDF reports a shortfall of nearly 15,000 troops, reservists have already logged hundreds of days on duty with no relief in sight, and adversaries regroup in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran, the issue goes well beyond equal application of rules.

The moves sap military readiness, damage the shared societal agreement, and again favor limited political gains over Israel's defense needs.

The striking similarities to the judicial reform push are difficult to overlook. After October 7, Netanyahu claimed no one had alerted him about Hamas war preparations or how domestic rifts created serious risks. Records now show otherwise.

Military Intelligence research leaders had sent multiple direct alerts on these exact threats, and then-IDF chief Herzi Halevi sought a meeting with Netanyahu ahead of a key reform vote only to be turned away.

Shin Bet head Ronen Bar likewise cautioned that rivals viewed Israel's internal turmoil as proof of frailty.

All such alerts went unheeded, producing the worst day in Israel's history and years of ongoing conflict without a clear resolution.

This does not imply the draft measures will trigger another October 7. Yet the cautions stand in plain view, voiced openly by the IDF rather than hidden in secret files.

The army has stated for months that troop numbers fall short, with the gap of nearly 15,000 proving substantial.

Reservists keep bearing the load of the conflict after already completing hundreds of days away from work, professions, and homes, responding to repeated summonses because the nation requires it.

Rather than easing that strain, the government chooses to lengthen service terms for those already in uniform and urges reservists to persist.

This occurs even as tens of thousands of fit young Israelis stay outside the system solely due to their haredi status.

Instead of integrating them, the coalition works to lock in their exemption permanently.

The discussion centers neither on belief nor practice. One can prize Torah study and still grasp that all must contribute to the IDF.

Many cases exist of observant troops reviewing Talmud within armored vehicles, leading Torah sessions from Gaza and Lebanon fronts, and blending firm religious dedication with active duty.

Torah study has sustained the Jewish people across millennia and forms a pillar of Israeli life, yet it cannot stand apart. No community endures without shared responsibility for the common good. This is the stance the haredim reject.

Politics over national security

Netanyahu understands these facts. So do his coalition partners who supported the two measures this week. They also recognize that their Likud and Religious Zionist voters oppose continued ultra-Orthodox exemptions.

The core issue is that Netanyahu's main goal now centers on holding his political alliance together ahead of the October 27 vote. Every accommodation to United Torah Judaism and Shas aims to keep those parties aligned when advice reaches the president and coalition talks begin.

Many assume this path is blocked because former prime minister Naftali Bennett and Yashar leader Gadi Eisenkot have pledged to exclude the ultra-Orthodox and enact draft laws.

Those statements hold today. Yet after an election, if Eisenkot and Bennett see a chance to break the haredi tie to Netanyahu and include them in a new government, they may act on it.

Even if some supporters object to the reversal, it will likely be tolerated because it removes Netanyahu from power.

Ultimately, backers of Eisenkot, Bennett, and Lapid align with them chiefly to oust Netanyahu. The evidence appears in past actions.

Recall the 2021 change government led by Bennett and opposition head Yair Lapid, which lacked haredi partners yet still failed to draft yeshiva students.

The reason lies in Bennett's private hope of eventually drawing the ultra-Orthodox into his own coalition, breaking their bond with Netanyahu, and therefore avoiding any step that might close that door.

He therefore skipped the actions needed at the time to bring them in.

What makes the present moment especially concerning is that leaders fully grasp the stakes after October 7. No one can claim ignorance of possible outcomes.

For years, Israeli governments followed one core rule: defense comes first. Coalition pacts, spending plans, and statutes were expected to meet military requirements.

The reverse has taken place here. These laws may aid Netanyahu in keeping his bloc intact and boosting his odds of staying in office after the vote, yet that falls short of genuine leadership.

Leadership demands hard calls for the nation's benefit, even when they carry political costs. This week delivered the opposite: placing short-term survival above the country's welfare.

October 7 showed the cost of overlooking direct alerts. Today the IDF warns openly that soldier shortages exist and these laws will worsen them.

No one can claim lack of knowledge about the results of these steps. Should consequences follow, records will show the government understood its actions fully.

The writer is a co-founder of the MEAD Forum, a senior fellow at the Jewish People Policy Institute, and the former editor-in-chief of The Jerusalem Post. His latest book (with Amir Bohbot), While Israel Slept, is a bestseller in the United States.