As regional strains intensify with renewed clashes between the Houthis and Saudi Arabia, experts are evaluating whether the group's resources and alliances can support a drawn-out fight across multiple fronts.

Saleh Hamdan, a pseudonym for a man in his forties who works at the General Corporation for Roads and Bridges, stood in Al-Sabeen Square in Sana'a waving his AK-47 at a large rally staged by Ansar Allah, known as the Houthis.

Frustrated by years without pay and worsening living standards, he called out that people are going hungry while salaries remain held by Saudi Arabia, which he accused of cutting off food, travel, and wages.

Those around him urged the Houthis to launch a direct campaign against Saudi Arabia to end what they call the blockade. The rallies followed Houthi claims of missile and drone strikes on Abha International Airport in southern Saudi Arabia, along with a ban on Saudi ships in regional waters, seen by observers as the start of fresh military moves.

At the center of these events is Sana'a International Airport. Yemen's recognized government has signaled openness to resuming Yemenia flights under prior terms, yet the Houthis demand direct routes to Tehran using Iranian carriers, which analysts view as a bid to leverage the airport for wider regional aims.

Houthi Survival Linked to Iranian Strategy

Political analyst Abdul Salam Mohammed stated that choices on war and major strikes deep into Saudi territory or on shipping lanes stay connected to Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps operations room.

He noted the Houthis have tied their endurance to Iran's broader plans, acting as Tehran's closest partner in the area, while Sana'a leaders focus on rallying support and executing field actions.

Mohammed explained that pushing for a direct Sana'a-Tehran flight path and using the airport as leverage fits Iran's alliance goals by raising the stakes for outside powers.

Even with any headway on airport access or UN-backed talks, he expects Houthi leaders to create new reasons for continued pressure.

The group soon cited fresh grounds. In the early hours of Thursday, the Houthis reported missile and drone hits on two Saudi oil tankers in the Red Sea as part of a maritime blockade on the kingdom. At the same time, Iran's Revolutionary Guard declared the Strait of Hormuz fully shut, requiring Tehran coordination for any transit.

Maritime data from Windward showed five tankers bound for Bab al-Mandeb turning back amid blockade warnings, four carrying Saudi crude, gas, oil, and naphtha worth roughly 3.84 million barrels.

Registered Fighter Numbers and Readiness Claims

On the manpower and supplies needed for months of multi-front fighting, Houthi sources told The Media Line they count more than 200,000 registered fighters plus over 250,000 in popular mobilization units in areas they control. These numbers come from a Houthi contact and remain unverified.

The group also draws on trained staff from state bodies and universities plus tribal backing in the hundreds of thousands, though the scale of tribal involvement in full conflict is unclear.

A contact with the Houthis' General Mobilization Forces said the group stands fully prepared for any clash at home, against Saudi Arabia, or elsewhere by land, sea, or air, with no pullback until all Yemeni rights are met from the kingdom, described as fragile.

The same contact pointed to tighter command, advanced missiles, aircraft, drones, attack boats, and underwater vehicles run by specialists, which would allow endurance in a long war of attrition. He added that experience in such fights makes Bab al-Mandab, Saudi airports, and other sites ready for action.

In response, Abdul Wali Al-Kazmi of Yemen's Defense Ministry Moral Guidance Directorate said government forces have reached peak readiness after reorganization under one command, numbering about 400,000 fighters with air support and outside backing, though this figure also awaits confirmation.

He noted the government's choice to avoid a full push into Houthi areas reflects a focus on peace, civilian protection, and Saudi efforts on the UN roadmap while staying open with Yemeni political players.

Yet Abdul Salam Mohammed warned that Houthi plans could face a Saudi policy shift. Riyadh, long focused on border defense and shipping security with limited direct fights, is now reviewing options after threats to airports, infrastructure, and Bab al-Mandab traffic.

Continued Houthi moves might push Saudi Arabia to give full political, military, and supply aid to government forces for a decisive advance on Sana'a, backed by the United States, to curb Houthi strength seen as a risk to global trade and energy.

Alongside military steps, the Houthis have sped up domestic preparations, requiring hospital staff to sign pledges for emergency committee deployment, keep phones ready, and stay at posts. Training via civil defense covers evacuation and firefighting for public and private workers, while warehouses and basements are turned into hidden shelters ahead of possible heavy air strikes.

A Supreme Emergency Committee source in Sana'a described these steps as precautions to keep services running and strengthen the home front against any escalation by what the source called forces of aggression.

With military and political strains growing, Yemen nears a key moment where humanitarian pressures meet regional strategy, raising chances of wider fighting beyond usual lines.