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Just over a week ago the joint United States and Israel campaign against Iran reached the one hundred day point. Throughout the extended period since fighting started numerous questions involving ethics economics and politics have surfaced regarding the confrontation.

A key political concern involves the legal standing of the campaign. Operation Epic Fury began on a major scale absent explicit approval from Congress which some legislators insist the Constitution demands.

On June 3 the House approved a War Powers measure that would compel withdrawal of offensive units inside thirty days if the Senate concurs according to PBS News. During May the Senate moved forward on its version though it has not reached a conclusive ballot.

The House measure needs sixty votes in the Senate to advance to consideration. President Donald Trump could then veto it requiring two thirds support in each chamber to overturn.

Trump stated in May that a truce with Iran ended active fighting so legislative consent was unnecessary. After those remarks American forces conducted additional attacks on Iran which officials described as defensive measures PBS News noted.

Congress has not passed an official war declaration since June 4 1942 when it acted against Bulgaria Hungary and Romania amid World War II. In later conflicts such as the Gulf War Afghanistan and Iraq lawmakers typically granted authority through an Authorization for Use of Military Force. Though distinct from a formal declaration this permits focused military goals per the Library of Congress.

Nevertheless presidents have directed extensive operations without direct legislative consent on multiple occasions relying on broad readings of executive authority or offering no explicit legal basis.

This approach has faced legal pushback at times yet in other situations broad public backing for the action shielded presidents from congressional review.

Andrew Wiest a military history professor at the University of Southern Mississippi described these cases as part of a long term transfer of war powers from Congress to the executive since World War II.

Since 1946 Congress has yielded this constitutional role and passed it to the president likely contrary to the founders intentions Wiest said. The founders were deeply concerned about concentrating excessive military authority in the presidency.

The following outlines eleven significant instances of United States military operations undertaken without explicit congressional authorization.

Philippine-American War

Even prior to World War II certain American military moves sparked intense discussion. After the Spanish American War the Philippine Islands transferred to United States control through the Treaty of Paris in 1898. Although America asserted ownership Filipino revolutionaries proclaimed independence and opposed United States efforts to secure the territory.

President William McKinley did not request a formal war declaration or authorization from Congress. Because the Treaty of Paris had recently received congressional ratification McKinley viewed it as sufficient legislative endorsement for military action. The conflict proved divisive in Congress where anti imperialists argued the annexation violated the law according to the House of Representatives.

The fighting extended more than three years from 1899 to 1902 with American fatalities reaching 4200. Roughly 20000 Filipino combatants perished while civilian losses from disease famine and combat climbed as high as 200000 per the Department of State.

Korean War

Following the postwar division of Korea by the United States and Soviet Union into separate states combat erupted in 1950 when North Korean troops crossed into South Korea. The United Nations Security Council soon called on member states to support South Korea leading to American participation.

President Harry Truman sought no approval from Congress instead framing the effort as a police action conducted under United Nations authority. Some legislators rejected this approach with Republican Senator Robert Taft asserting that bypassing Congress amounted to a total seizure of authority to deploy the nations armed forces per the Brennan Center.

The international character of the response helped overshadow the absence of congressional consent Wiest observed.

At the time the UN was young robust and novel Wiest said. With a UN resolution to defend South Korea what additional political cover would be required?

The Korean War continued for three years and claimed 37000 American lives according to the Department of Defense. Overall as many as five million people perished in the conflict many of them civilians.

Vietnam War

Congress enacted the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution in August 1964 granting President Lyndon Johnson authority to employ military force in Vietnam and neighboring nations. As the conflict prolonged and domestic opposition intensified pressure on the government grew along with doubts about the scope of Johnsons powers.

Two years after Richard Nixon entered office Congress rescinded the resolution leaving no statute authorizing American military operations in Southeast Asia. Although Nixon reduced troop levels after taking office in 1969 air campaigns persisted until the wars conclusion.

A federal appeals court later classified the war as a political matter and declined to address the legality of Nixons continued bombing The New York Times reported.

In total 58220 Americans died as a result of the conflict per the National Archives.

Bombing of Cambodia

Nixon also directed bombing operations in Cambodia that started in 1969 and extended after repeal of the Gulf of Tonkin measure. The campaign intended to interrupt supply lines along the Ho Chi Minh trail and strike suspected communist centers commenced in secrecy without notifying Congress.

The strikes led Congress to adopt the War Powers Resolution of 1973 designed to constrain presidential authority over military actions. Nixon vetoed the bill yet Congress overrode the veto by a two thirds margin.

This successful assertion of war powers marked an uncommon instance in recent American history when Congress reclaimed authority in this area. Wiest noted that political considerations largely explain Congress usual restraint.

Partisanship and politics contribute Wiest said. No congressman wants to appear opposed to the troops. In my assessment there is no more perilous electoral position.

Between 1969 and 1973 the United States released 540000 tons of bombs over Cambodia. Civilian death estimates from the bombing range between 150000 and 500000 per PBS Frontline.

1983 invasion of Grenada

In 1983 a coup in Grenada resulted in the killing of the nations leader Maurice Bishop. Ostensibly to safeguard hundreds of medical students and restore stability after the overthrow the United States invaded with assistance from Caribbean partners.

President Ronald Reagan ordered the operation without congressional approval. This prompted Congress to invoke the War Powers Resolution requiring withdrawal of American forces within sixty days The New York Times reported.

The mission lasted eight days and produced nineteen American fatalities along with twenty four Grenadian civilian deaths per Army University Press.

1989 invasion of Panama

In the operation code named Operation Just Cause the United States invaded Panama in 1989 to remove its leader Manuel Noriega who faced indictment in the United States on drug trafficking charges.

Additional justifications included safeguarding Americans in Panama upholding democracy and defending the Panama Canal treaties. The State Department indicated the actions also occurred with the agreement of Panamas recognized government which was installed prior to the invasion.

Like Reagan before him President George H.W. Bush did not obtain congressional approval in advance. Nevertheless the invasion enjoyed broad public and legislative support which muted potential war powers objections.

The operation concluded rapidly with Noriega captured and prosecuted in the United States. He received a forty year sentence and ultimately served seventeen years in American custody.